It looks like we’re all going to get to know Jacob Zuma pretty well over the next five (or ten or more?) years, now that his court troubles are over and his path to the South African presidency is clear. Who is he? Here are some answers.
Is Kenya’s coalition doomed?
Recent reports that militia groups - armed, funded, trained and supported by leading politicians - are growing in strength in Kenya is a major blow to the country’s political stability. During the December 2007 and January 2008 election violence, ethnic militias terrorized opponents in the Rift Valley. Rift Valley province is really the open sore of Kenyan history and politics, the site of disputed land claims since colonial times, as first foreign whites and then Kikuyus settled on territory that many Kalenjins consider their homeland.
What comes next is the question. Will Raila Odinga and his allies back down for now, and wait for an election mandate in 2012, which has eluded them over the past few election cycles? What happens if Kibaki - old and frail - is no longer able to rule? Will Uhuru Kenyatta take the reins of the (increasingly fragile) Kikuyu-Kamba coalition?
As someone who has visited Kenya many times over the past 12 years, and has written a number of articles on economic and political development in the country, I’m saddened to see what looks like the most serious threat of organized armed violence Kenya has seen since the 1982 coup attempt against Moi (or perhaps the land clashes of 1991). But not entirely surprised. Politicians have played the ethnic card, often violently, in Kenya since the country’s early days, perhaps as a legacy of British divide and rule policies and the toxic remains of the Mau Mau War.
Are Kenyans willing to trust their democratic institutions, and try to work through them to achieve their political goals? Or will competing ethnic militias further divide an already scarred society, and destroy Kenya’s promise? I don’t mean to sound alarmist, and my hope is that another compromise will be found between the two coalition groupings. But the flow of arms into militia groups is truly ominous.
News flash: Africa now on economists’ radar screens
When I started studying economics as an undergraduate at MIT in the early 1990s, development economics was at best a peripheral field, and at worst an embarrassing interest to admit to. When I applied to graduate school, and listed development economics, political economy and economic history as my three fields of interest, a terrified letter-writer - who shall remain nameless - urged me to substitute them with game theory or macro. (I didn’t.) An interest in African development was even more transgressive. Why study a place where our economic theories don’t seem to work well? Tom MaCurdy of Stanford summed up this line of thinking (during a post-job talk dinner back in February 2000) when he memorably told me “There’s no economics in Africa.” In case you’re wondering, I didn’t get the Stanford job.
Well folks, things have finally started to change. In the past month I’ve been at two high-profile, well-attended and intellectually exciting academic conferences devoted to African economic development. The first was hosted by the new NBER Africa group back in February. This group has gotten generous funding from the Gates Foundation to seed interesting research projects tackling core issues in African development. So far the questions folks are asking have been exciting - what impact do cell phones have on the functioning of African markets and governments? how can we best promote post-war economic and political recoveries? how have agricultural commodity price movements affected growth rates?. Over the next few years these projects will start yielding important results.
The second conference took place at U.C. Davis two weeks ago, sponsored by their Center for the Evolution of the Global Economy (CEGE). The papers and discussants covered a wide range of topics, including the historical legacies of slavery, impediments to manufacturing growth, and my presentation on household valuation for clean water and improved child health in rural Kenya.
These papers are just the tip of the iceberg. Many other academics, as well as the World Bank, Center for Global Development, and others institutions, have helped bring the study of African development into the economics mainstream over the past five years or so. It’s about time!
More worrying authoritarian trends in Africa
The news out of Madagascar is not good: democratically elected president Marc Ravalomanana has been pushed out of power essentially by a military coup, which has installed the photogenic 34-year old former DJ Andry Rajoelina in power. Besides the fundamental problem that Mr. Rajoelina was not elected, he also appears not to be constitutionally qualified to rule, being under 40 years of age.

Former Madagascar President Ravalomanana
I’ve already written on this blog recently about my fears about what the next year or two will hold for sub-Saharan Africa, as it tries to weather the global economic slowdown (see last week’s post on whether the 2010s are the new 1980s in Africa). The recent political violence in Guinea-Bissau, the growing threat of youth unemployment in post-war Sierra Leone (the unemployment rate apparently stands at 75% in the country’s eastern mining areas), and now this putsch in Madagascar have all led me to believe that things may be taking a turn for the worse. The questions on my mind now also relate to Kenya, the country where I’ve done most of my fieldwork: how long will the unhappy coalition marriage between President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga last in this climate? And Zimbabwe’s new “coalition”? And most importantly, how will the economic climate affect the upcoming vote in the regional powerhouse, South Africa? I’ll leave this last question for another post sometime soon.
Will the 2010s look like the 1980s in Africa?
Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete has called for African leaders and the international community to take concerted actions (although I couldn’t find any specifics) to help Africa weather the current economic crisis. Like the previous commodities boom-then-bust cycle in the 1970s and 1980s, the current downturn threatens to erase the income, health and nutrition gains of the past decade or so, when Africa finally seemed to be breaking out of its economic malaise. (For more on that see the book this blog is named for, my forthcoming Africa’s Turn? with MIT Press.)
What should African countries do? Hopefully they’ve spent the last five years building up foreign exchange reserves, rainy day funds, showing fiscal restraint (knowing that a commodities price crash was inevitable), and making long-run investments in infrastructure projects rather than dealing with short-run political needs … OK, that’s probably too high a standard for any politicians outside of Norway. The next few years are going to be tough for African incomes and wellbeing.
Will the economic downturn push Sierra Leone back to war?
Recent news reports from Sierra Leone, a country where I’ve worked since 2004, aren’t looking good. Youth unemployment is sky high, at 60 percent. And these aren’t just any old youth. Many are former soldiers in the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) or the Sierra Leone Army (SLA), groups that terrorized civilians during the country’s brutal 1991-2002 civil war. The fear is that, without some gainful employment, these youth will be a cause of instability and even a return to war in the country.
This isn’t some idle concern. In work of mine with Shanker Satyanath and Ernest Sergenti of NYU, we showed that economic downturns in sub-Saharan Africa often lead to war the next year, and the effects are huge: a five percentage point drop in economic growth is associated with nearly a doubling of armed conflict risk. I elaborate on these issues more in my recent book Economics Gangsters with Ray Fisman (Princeton University Press 2008) and my forthcoming book Africa’s Turn? (MIT Press), the book that serves as the inspiration for this blog.
This is a photo of me in Makeni town, Sierra Leone, in front of a sign that states that the war is finally over. I hope that sign is still hanging when I next return to Sierra Leone.
Will the ICC’s indictment bring peace to Sudan?
The International Criminal Court in The Hague today ordered the arrest of Sudan’s president Omar al-Bashir, the first time they’ve brought such charges against an acting head of state, for his active backing of violence against civilians in the Darfur region.
This is huge step forward for international justice, and may make future tyrants think twice about engaging in war crimes. But will it bring peace to Sudan anytime soon? If anything, al-Bashir now has less incentive to deal with the United Nations and others trying to broker peace in Darfur. Will the UN ultimately need to pressure the ICC to drop the indictment against al-Bashir in order to get him to agree to a forceful peacekeeping presence in Darfur? It’s still too early to tell.
But the word is out to other African dictators and warlords - beware!
Guinea Bissau’s President assassinated
A violent day in African politics: President Vieira of Guinea Bissau was assassinated today, only months after a near fatal attack. The country has long been home ground to economic gangsters - including drug traffickers and rapacious army leaders. I wonder whether violent attacks of this kind, as well as coups, civil wars, and election clashes will only become more widespread in the next year or two given the deteriorating economic conditions in many African countries, as the global crisis hits home.
Ngugi has done it again
Ngugi wa Thiongo’s new book “Something Torn and New: An African Renaissance” (2009) is a fantastic read, which summarizes and updates some of the arguments that Ngugi first developed in “Decolonizing the Mind” back in 1982. Ngugi’s thesis that an intellectual and cultural renaissance is only possible in Africa is Africans speak, write, read, think, invent and debate in African languages is powerful, and it resonates with some of my own thinking, for instance regarding the divergent institutional and social paths of Ngugi’s own Kenya versus neighboring Tanzania. The possibilities for Africans to re-imagine their own futures, societies, politics and culture are there, but connecting with Africa’s past through language - and all that is embedded in language - is the most promising way forward.
I really want to find a way to meet Ngugi in person. I will happily take a plane down to Irvine for the day if he’ll agree to meet me for coffee!

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